Iraq’s militias remain defiant as the last US troops pack up to leave
Iraq is set to finish its decade‑long US military presence by the end of September, yet key Iranian‑backed militias have vowed not to surrender arms. The drawdown comes amid ongoing tensions with Iran and concerns over regional security, especially in Kurdish areas.
As September closes, Iraq faces two critical deadlines: the end of a decade‑long U.S. military deployment and the required disarmament of non‑state paramilitary groups. U.S. officials confirm that the remaining hundreds of troops stationed in northern Iraq will depart before the September 30 cutoff, a move tied to Baghdad’s demand that militias give up their weapons. However, most of these factions have signaled no intention of complying, raising profound questions about Iraq’s future stability once American forces leave.
US Troops Return and Withdraw: A Brief History
The United States first entered Iraq in 2003 to topple Saddam Hussein. After withdrawing in 2011, U.S. forces returned three years later at Baghdad’s invitation to lead a smaller coalition against the Islamic State (ISIS) that had seized vast swaths of the country. By 2024, ISIS had been reduced to fragmented sleeper cells, prompting Washington and Baghdad to agree to end the coalition’s mission. While most U.S. bases were vacated last year, a contingent remained in the semi‑autonomous northern Kurdistan region, where bases faced persistent attacks following the outbreak of war between the U.S., Israel, and Iran.
Militia Defiance and Regional Tensions
Iranian‑backed Iraqi militias have launched attacks on U.S.‑affiliated targets within Iraq and across its borders, collaborating with Yemen’s Houthi movement to strike Saudi Arabia. Fighters from the Badr Brigades clash with ISIS on the outskirts of Fallujah, illustrating the ongoing volatility. As active hostilities between Washington and Tehran persist, Iran is unlikely to relinquish its influence over Iraq. U.S. officials express concern over the militias’ strike capabilities, but those worries will not delay the scheduled troop departure.
Major factions such as Kataib Hezbollah, Harakat al‑Nujaba, and Kataib Sayyid al‑Shuhada have flatly rejected disarmament or presented conditions that Baghdad cannot meet. Their demands include placing Kurdish Peshmerga forces under central military command and expelling both the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and Iranian Kurdish opposition factions from the region. An official with one of the Iran‑backed militias stated, “There is absolutely no decision among the factions to surrender weapons.”
Baghdad’s Approach to Integration
Baghdad’s current strategy centers on integrating armed groups directly under the authority of the Iraqi military. Many militias already belong to the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), an umbrella body officially integrated into the state military structure, though individual factions often operate independently. The government aims for factions to relinquish “dynamic weapons”—such as long‑range drones and missiles—to PMF leadership, while dissolving separate units to incorporate fighters into the regular army and PMF command structure.
In response to security concerns, Baghdad is finalizing agreements to procure advanced air defense hardware from Turkey, South Korea, and the U.S. The upcoming defense assets will be deployed according to carefully devised military plans to ensure the complete protection of Iraqi airspace, including the Kurdistan region.
Implications for Kurdish Security
Kurds are anxious about the day after September 30. While the departure of U.S. forces eliminates one immediate target in the Kurdish region, regional security risks are unlikely to end. Experts warn that Iran and its proxies have targeted other locations in Kurdistan that are unrelated to U.S. troop presence, including energy infrastructure and the bases of exiled Iranian Kurdish dissident movements. The withdrawal will expose the Kurdistan region further, making it an easier target.
Barzani has publicly voiced concern that the departure of U.S. air defense coverage will leave the region far more exposed. In contrast, Baghdad’s spokesperson Sabah al‑Numan stated that “discussions and dialogues are ongoing, and the file will be resolved after the withdrawal of the international coalition forces.”
With the U.S. exit, negotiations may begin regarding a “normal bilateral security cooperation” framework with Baghdad, though its structure remains undecided. The counterterrorism base in Erbil lost its primary strategic value for American forces as the threat posed by ISIS diminished.
As the U.S. draws down, Iraq must navigate a complex landscape of militia defiance, regional rivalries, and the need to maintain sovereignty over its airspace. The outcome will shape Iraq’s security architecture for years to come.
Why it matters
The U.S. withdrawal marks a turning point in Iraq’s post‑war reconstruction, but militia defiance threatens to destabilize the region and undermine efforts to secure a stable, sovereign Iraq.
Key points
- Iraq to finish U.S. troop presence by Sept. 30
- Iran‑backed militias refuse to disarm
- Baghdad seeks to integrate militias into state forces
- Kurdish region faces heightened security risks post‑withdrawal
- U.S. air defense assets to be replaced with new procurement
Frequently asked questions
When will the last U.S. troops leave Iraq?
All remaining U.S. troops in Iraq are scheduled to depart before September 30, 2024.
Will Iraqi militias disarm after the U.S. leaves?
Most major militias have stated they will not disarm, citing conditions they believe Baghdad cannot meet.
What security measures will replace U.S. air defense?
Baghdad is negotiating to acquire advanced air defense systems from Turkey, South Korea, and the U.S. to protect Iraqi airspace.
